I almost saw Barack Obama on a crisp September evening, last year, at a rally in New York's Washington Square Park. I use the word 'almost' because some friends from Europe, and I, were keen to see a man who will, no matter the outcome in November 2008, become a part of America's political history, and, therefore, arrived a timely hour before its start. Unfortunately, we found ourselves relegated to outside the ground, sufficiently cheated, standing shoulder-to-shoulder with hundreds others. Inside were vociferous supporters, young, largely white men and women, with gumption and strong legs, who had assembled since early afternoon. Many were first-time voters, motivated enough to brave the heat and the large crowds, who were stuck to them physically and, now, in ideology.

Thrilled at his reach, we however privately knew this wasn't a microcosm of America. Surely, much as we wished progressive states like New York and California to be harbingers - accepting of a black President - we knew this was an aberration from how the rest of the country would receive him. Unable to hear Obama speak in the distance, we left.

Today, six months later, I am thrilled, it seems, to have been proved wrong, for having underestimated a man - who one instantly knew had Presidential aspirations when you saw him address the Democratic convention in 2004 - who has won ten battles on the trot, most recently, in Wisconsin and Hawaii. The same man about whom the media and political gadflies questioned ad nauseam if 'America was ready for a black president?', have now turned reticent, because of his ability to endear independents, African-Americans, young and first-time voters, along with, senior citizens, women voters, and whites, that, not long ago, had a predilection for Hillary Clinton. Obama, although impoverished in policy and foreign affairs experience, is strong domestically and, I believe, possesses an inherent quality, a charisma, which attracts a new generation that genuinely believes he can evoke change and reclaim America's greatness and soft power. Of course, reality is that Washington will not be too different, and there will be, as often is, continuity in foreign policy, no matter the leadership change.

Hillary Clinton, in contrast, tries to appear folksy, but fails. On foreign policy, like her predecessors, she's hawkish. She, like Obama, erroneously wants to recall troops from Iraq while chaos prevails, but differs by encouraging further sanctions on Iran, and refuses to meet President Ahmedinejad. Iran is a regional hegemon-in-waiting and, as the past has shown, it has the power to make life hostile in Iraq and Lebanon. America's past flawed policies, to a large extent, have shaped Iran-it's a country screaming out to be taken seriously, and its imminent nuclear path is another method of ensuring this. Further containment, as Clinton recommends, will only worsen matters and push the sizeable pro-American Iranians closer to the radicals in power.

Another juggernaut of a performance in Texas and Ohio on March 4 will most likely seal the Democratic nomination for Obama. If Hillary Clinton miraculously upstages him, she will probably invite him on the ticket. Although history reveals that a running-mate doesn't really affect the end result, Obama's ability to attract the incurious and the new will be advantageous; moreover, the antipathy towards Mrs. Clinton will be largely mitigated by his presence. To many, this will be an infallible ticket. On closer inspection, Obama may not consent, given the limited power he will wield in a crowded White House that has Hillary, inevitably, Bill, and, then, himself. Alternatively, if Obama wins, Hillary may also politely refuse.

In the event of a close race, there's much talk of super-delegates playing the role of a king-maker, especially if Obama only enjoys a tenuous lead. I believe that is specious because it would mean superseding the electorate's wish, making her more disliked, and will simply confirm what the Republicans have been saying about the miasma of Clinton politics.

For Republicans, as is apparent, John McCain's candidacy is certain despite Huckabee's relentlessness-his intention is to have leverage when it's time to pick a Vice Presidential nominee. McCain, who was once forgotten, will no doubt choose someone with conservative credentials to placate his party base. He will be wise to pick someone like Jeb Bush, the President's brother, and a former governor of Florida, a man popular with the Right, and who has the ability to win all-important Florida. Many fervently believe Jeb will carry forward the party's legacy; McCain, if elected, may wish to be a one-term President due to his age, and can set the ideal stage for another Bush to take over the reins.

Meanwhile, the jousting among Democrats will continue. The contests in Texas and Ohio will be pivotal for both camps, and the results will determine the fate of Hillary Clinton's run for the White House, especially with campaign contributions drying up and her core support fraying. A quick outcome will, however, be beneficial to the Democrats, who can direct their message and funds on the real competition. So far, it looks like the Barack Express has thrust. And, unlike September, his appeal, today, is not confined to just a park in New York.