Rajdeep Sardesai was the Editor-in-Chief, IBN18 Network, that includes CNN-IBN, IBN 7 and IBN Lokmat. He has 22 years of journalistic experience during which he has covered some of the biggest stories in India and the world. Prior to setting up the IBN network, he was the Managing Editor of both NDTV 24X7 and NDTV India and was responsible for overseeing the news policy for both the channels. He has also worked with The Times of India for six years and was the city editor of its Mumbai edition at the age of 26.
During the last 22 years, he has covered major national and international stories, specialising in national politics. He has won numerous other awards for journalistic excellence, including the prestigious Padma Shri for journalism in 2008, the International Broadcasters Award for coverage of the 2002 Gujarat riots and the Ramnath Goenka Excellence in Journalism Award for 2007. He has won the Asian Television Award for best talk show for the Big Fight on two occasions and his current flagship show on CNN-IBN, India at 9, has been awarded the best news show at the Asian awards for the last two years. He has been News Anchor of the year at the Indian Television Academy for seven of the last eight years and won more than 50 awards in this period. He has also been the President of the Editors Guild of India, the only television journalist to hold the post and was chosen a Global leader for tomorrow by the world economic forum in 2000.
An alumni of St Xavier's College, Mumbai, he has done his Masters and LLB from Oxford University and has also played first class cricket for the Oxford University team. He has contributed to several books and writes a fortnightly column that appears in seven newspapers.
On the night of the 2009 General Election results, the irrepressible Suhel Seth, opinion television's angry impresario for all seasons, described the DMK as Delhi Money for Karunanidhi. Seth's propensity to spit out the outrageous has made him a great favourite on talk shows and the DMK remark appeared to strike a chord with the chattering classes. After being in power at the Centre for all but one of the last fifteen years, the DMK seems to have been branded as a regional party that uses its clout in Delhi to build an election war-chest. Indeed, as the DMK faces a do-or-die battle in Tamil Nadu, the 2G scam has only heightened the party's image in the media as epitomizing political corruption.
M Karunanidhi, the octogenarian patriarch of the DMK family, has been cast in the role of an ageing political godfather, someone who is attempting to ensure a successful transition to his next generation by parceling the spoils of power between them. The children too are seen to be dividing the Dravida empire amongst themselves. Son and heir M K Stalin controls Chennai; the other son MK Azhagiri is responsible for southern Tamil Nadu while English-speaking daughter Kanimozhi was seen as the party's youthful face in Delhi till the 2G scam hurt her credibility. Not to forget the urbane Dayanidhi Maran, who had established a reputation for being a savvy union minister.
It all has the makings of a perfect, tightly-knit family business, like most regional parties in the country. Only the DMK is not just another regional force created around a personality cult like a Lalu Yadav's RJD or a Mamata Banerjee's Trinamool Congress. This is a party whose roots lie in agitational politics, in principles of social justice, rationalism and equality that shaped the Justice Party and later the Self-Respect movement of the 1920s in Tamil Nadu. The DMK traces its history to the powerful reformist agenda of E V Ramasami 'Periyar' who made a remarkable contribution to the non-Brahmin movement of the pre-independence period.
Karunanidhi, or Kalaignar, which means connoisseur of literature, was part of this great tradition of reformist Tamil society. His film scripts and passionate prose reflected his political idealism, shaped by the idea of creating an egalitarian society. Movies on themes like widow remarriage and religious hypocrisy earned him a deserved reputation of being at the vanguard of social change. By spearheading the language agitation of the 1950s and 60s, by being jailed during the Emergency in 1975, Karunanidhi was seen as a politician of courage and principles.
Yet, today, in the autumn of a long and distinguished career in public life, Karunanidhi is being reduced to a political caricature, a leader who is seen to have put family before ideology. By insisting on prized portfolios for DMK ministers, by issuing periodic threats to withdraw support to the center, by anointing his children in key posts, Karunanidhi has devalued the rich traditions of reformist zeal which once imbued his politics. Instead, he has allowed himself to become, like so many of his ilk, a dynastical politician who allows loyalty to his family to overwhelm all else.
It is indeed hard to believe that the benefits of the 2G scam were being monopolized by A Raja and friends without the knowledge of the Tamil Nadu chief minister, or that the money was not being transferred from Delhi to Chennai. Certainly, the manner in which Karunanidhi virtually held the UPA government to ransom in May 2009 while insisting that the telecom portfolio stay with the DMK is reason enough to believe that behind the muscle-flexing lay the desire to be part of the 2G loot. In parties like the DMK, an A Raja is only the trusted family retainer; the rules of the game are set by the head of the family. Karunanidhi, whatever his compulsions, cannot escape responsibility for the actions of Mr Raja.
Which is why, logically, the DMK should be heading for a resounding defeat in the forthcoming assembly elections in Tamil Nadu. Unfortunately, logic doesn't always fashion election results, and personal corruption need not always be an impediment in providing good governance, or determining voter preferences. At the recent IBN7 Diamond States awards, based on an extensive survey of the comparative performances of different states on social and human development indicators, Tamil Nadu emerged as the overall number one state, a tribute to its legacy of progressive administration.
During the last elections, Karunanidhi made two major promises: 2 rupees rice under the Public Distribution system and a free colour television for every family which did not have one. By all accounts, both schemes have been highly successful. A colour television for free may be scoffed at by the elite, but its role in giving a poor family 'recreational' benefits cannot be minimized. Moreover, the DMK government's schemes like providing a maternity assistance of Rs 1000 per month for six months and Rs 300 per month to unemployed youth amount to a direct cash transfer that bypasses bureaucratic procedures.
Which brings us to the larger question: can an efficient distribution of public utilities make corruption irrelevant in the popular imagination? There is a precedent. The late Y S Rajasekhar Reddy and family were seen to have enriched themselves when he was Andhra chief minister, but through his pro-poor schemes that again involved direct cash transfers, he was successfully re-elected. Will the YSR model work in Tamil Nadu, or will Karunanidhi be felled by the stench of family corruption? In the answer to that question lies the future of not just the DMK, but even the UPA at the center.`