Rajdeep Sardesai was the Editor-in-Chief, IBN18 Network, that includes CNN-IBN, IBN 7 and IBN Lokmat. He has 22 years of journalistic experience during which he has covered some of the biggest stories in India and the world. Prior to setting up the IBN network, he was the Managing Editor of both NDTV 24X7 and NDTV India and was responsible for overseeing the news policy for both the channels. He has also worked with The Times of India for six years and was the city editor of its Mumbai edition at the age of 26.
During the last 22 years, he has covered major national and international stories, specialising in national politics. He has won numerous other awards for journalistic excellence, including the prestigious Padma Shri for journalism in 2008, the International Broadcasters Award for coverage of the 2002 Gujarat riots and the Ramnath Goenka Excellence in Journalism Award for 2007. He has won the Asian Television Award for best talk show for the Big Fight on two occasions and his current flagship show on CNN-IBN, India at 9, has been awarded the best news show at the Asian awards for the last two years. He has been News Anchor of the year at the Indian Television Academy for seven of the last eight years and won more than 50 awards in this period. He has also been the President of the Editors Guild of India, the only television journalist to hold the post and was chosen a Global leader for tomorrow by the world economic forum in 2000.
An alumni of St Xavier's College, Mumbai, he has done his Masters and LLB from Oxford University and has also played first class cricket for the Oxford University team. He has contributed to several books and writes a fortnightly column that appears in seven newspapers.
In the early 1990s, when TN Seshan as Chief Election Commissioner was the flavour of the season, a packed Rotary Club meeting in South Mumbai asked him to stand for elections. Mr Seshan, always ready to throw a counter-punch, asked: "I will stand, but how many of you will support me?". Every hand was raised in a show of solidarity. On retiring as CEC, Mr Seshan contested a presidential election as a Shiv Sena-supported candidate in 1997 and lost miserably. In 1999, he was a Congress-backed candidate against LK Advani from Gandhinagar and again suffered a heavy defeat. The yawning gap between the air-conditioned comfort of Rotary meetings and the heat and dust of real India was starkly exposed.
TN Seshan wasn't the first middle class 'crusader' to make an unsuccessful bid to enter politics and he won't be the last. The latest to throw his hat (or should we say Gandhi topi) in the ring is Jan Lokpal torchbearer Arvind Kejriwal. Both Seshan and Kejriwal were professional civil servants before they captured public imagination through their anti-corruption campaigns. Seshan became a symbol of growing public anger against money and muscle power in elections; Kejriwal tapped into a similar outrage against vaulting corruption by those in high offices. Will Kejriwal succeed where many others before him have failed?
If success and failure is judged by electoral performance, then few will hold out any hope for the former IRS officer and his motley crew. The party system in the country has proved remarkably resilient, ceding very little space to new entrants. The disproportionate influence of money power in elections is an enduring phenomenon. If anything, the scale has only gone up: there are instances in the recent Mumbai municipal elections where candidates spent several crores to be elected as councillors. The amounts only go up as the stakes get higher.
Moreover, the patron-client cliques that influence voters will not disappear overnight. Caste, community and local networks are crucial determinants in election verdicts. And this is not just limited to rural India. As Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh found out in the one Lok Sabha election he contested in 1999, personal integrity isn't necessarily a winning ticket. Middle class heroes may be cheered in television studios but the applause doesn't always translate into votes at the ballot box. And as Mayawati has shown time and again, you don't even need the media if you have the Bahujan Samaj Party machine on your side.
Team Anna, by contrast, was built by the electronic media. To a large extent, the star attraction was the persona of Anna Hazare, a fakir-like figure who became a magnet for those desperately searching for a new 'clean' icon to contrast with the sins of the traditional politicians. But Anna was at heart a folk activist who relished the cameras but was never really at ease with the cut and thrust of national politics. Kejriwal, by contrast, is a man in a hurry, impatient for change and ambitious enough to see himself as an agent of change.
So long as the change was typified by a single point agenda of bringing in a tough anti-corruption law, the TV-watching middle classes cheered. But Team Arvind has a more grandiose goal, typified in its vision document titled: "Quest for Swaraj: from subjecthood to citizenry." The document itself is unexceptionable. It speaks of transforming politics, of moving from popular protest to people's power, of changing governance methods, ending the VIP culture and empowering local communities. Who would not want a political party that shuns the lal batti culture that typifies the trappings of power, or insists on a transparent method of campaign funding? Reading the document is like being transported into an idyllic world of virtuous politics that has no place for the villains of our times.
But political parties cannot be built on a 'sab neta chor hai' populist rhetoric. Anti-establishment heroes work in a film because the audience sees it as a three-hour escapist adventure that requires little self-sacrifice. In real life, the Team Arvind vision sees politics as a "yugdharma" or moral crusade. But is the middle class willing to join in a crusade that goes beyond candlelight marches and made-for-TV fasts? Will their consumerist lifestyle allow them to identify with a political party that questions economic liberalisation and seeks reservations for deprived sections? By seeking a wider political role, Team Kejriwal runs the risk of alienating the core constituency that created the original movement.
Moreover, the central question remains: how do you transform politics without sending your representatives to elected bodies? Frankly, Team Arvind offers no solutions to the dilemma that has gripped many well-meaning Indians over the years. The system will not change with a mere nudge from outside, it needs a total shake-up from top to bottom. And that will not happen if power merely changes hands from a Congress to a BJP, or a Left to a Mamata or a Mayawati to a Mulayam. Those are internal palace coups, not the revolutions that Team Arvind is looking for.
Maybe instead of an overarching goal to capture power nationally, Team Arvind should start with next year's Delhi elections. They may struggle to win seats, but by taking up Delhi-centric issues, be it high power tariffs, womens' safety or real estate corruption, they can at least hope to influence the urban political agenda. They may attract fewer eyeballs as a result but might, ironically, get more votes.
Post-script: Team Arvind launched itself on October 2 in the backdrop of Gandhi Jayanti. While political symbolism is important in the age of the visual image, does it really need the ritualistic wearing of the Gandhi topi? If Team Arvind really wants to break with politics as usual, they need to discover life beyond symbols and sound bites.